Комуникация в обществото и бизнеса

Communication in Society and Business

DOI 10.55206/DBWQ9885

 

Seungeun Lee

Sofia University St. Kliment Ohridski, Department of European Studies

E-mail:seungeun.lee2008@gmail.com

 

Abstract: This study examines the evolution of Korean migration to Eastern Europe, with particular attention paid to Hungary, Slovakia, and Bulgaria. A com­parative analysis of these three countries demonstrates that economic engagement constitutes the primary determinant of migration flows. The findings indicate that migration trajectories are closely associated with patterns of South Korean foreign direct investment in the region. Korean immigration has devel­oped through distinct phases: beginning with isolated diplomatic and en­trepreneuri­al initiatives during the post-Communist transition, advancing to corporate-driven movements connected to large-scale industrial investments, and more recently diversifying to include students, professionals, and families. Based on these findings, the study advances recommendations designed to strengthen the nexus between investment and immigration, to facilitate the sustainable settlement of Korean migrants, and to promote long-term cultural, social, and economic partnerships in Eastern Eu­rope. The proposed measures include expanding inter­governmental cooperation through bilateral agreements, aligning immigration and investment policies, and enhancing the role of corporations in fostering cultural adaptation, social integra­tion, and sustainable localization strategies.

 

Keywords: immigration, European countries, Korea, Bulgaria, Hungary, Slo­vakia, comparative analysis.

 

Introduction

Korean migration has historically been concentrated in regions such as China, the United States, Japan, and more recently Southeast Asia. However, in the past few decades, Europe has emerged as a notable destination for Korean migrants. While the overall number of Korean migrants in Europe remains small compared to traditional migration destinations, their presence has steadily increased, particularly in educational, occupational, and business contexts.

The dynamics of Korean immigration to Europe represent a significant yet understudied aspect of global migration patterns. As Kim and Ahn (2023) note, “Despite the long and interesting migration history of Koreans to Europe and the constant and increased mobilities and movements between the two regions, in general, migration is an area that has been substantially understudied, even in terms of the three major destination countries of the UK, Germany, and France”. [1] Furthermore, a notable lacuna remains in the academic literature regarding Korean migration to Eastern European countries.  This research gap is particu­larly consequential given the evolving patterns of Korean economic engagement and subsequent migration flows to this region over the past three decades. As Ramona F. Kovács notes (2025) in the Hungarian case, “Since this is a relatively new phenomenon, mostly produced by the intensive economic cooperation between the two countries in the past decade, adaption of Koreans Residing in Hungary has been insufficiently researched so far”, [2] and this applies to other new immigrations to new EU countries.

This study examines the complex interrelationship between Korean invest­ment strategies and migration patterns in three Eastern European countries: Hungary, Slovakia, and Bulgaria. The primary research objectives are to analyze how corporate-led Korean investments in Eastern Europe have shaped migration trajectories and community formation processes; to identify the distinctive socioeconomic factors that differentiate Korean migration to Eastern Europe from migration to Western European nations; and to investigate the evolution of Korean diasporic communities in transitional economies.

Research

The study addresses several key research questions: How have patterns of Korean foreign direct investment influenced the scale, composition, and geo­graphical distribution of Korean migration to Eastern Europe? What are the dis­tinctive characteristics of Korean communities in Slovakia, Hungary and Bul­garia, and how do these reflect different phases of investment? How do sectoral differences in Korean economic engagement (automotive, electronics, energy) translate into different migration patterns and community structures?

This research employs a mixed-methods approach combining quantitative analysis of investment and migration data with qualitative case studies. The methodology includes statistical analysis of Korean foreign direct investment data from the Korean Eximbank (1993-2024) [3], demographic analysis of Korean immigrant populations using data from the Overseas Koreans Agency (2000-2023) [4], comparative case study analysis of the three selected countries, and document analysis of corporate reports, policy statements, and media coverage related to Korean investment in the region.

The geopolitical transformations following the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the subsequent economic liberalization of Eastern European states have created new opportunities for Korean economic engagement and, con­sequently, migration to these emerging markets. The accession of several Eastern European nations to the European Union in 2004 and 2007 further enhanced their attractiveness as destinations for Korean foreign direct investment, particularly in the automotive, electronics, and, more recently, energy sectors. This economic engagement has catalyzed distinctive patterns of Korean migration characterized by corporate-led expatriation, professional mobility, and, increasingly, educa­tional sojourning.

Slovakia, Hungary and Bulgaria were specifically selected to represent the chronological progression and diverse modalities of Korean engagement with Eastern Europe. Slovakia represents the initial wave of Korean investment and migration that began in the early 2000s, primarily centered on automotive manufacturing. While the Czech Republic exhibited similar patterns during this period, Slovakia was selected due to its comparable population size to Bulgaria, facilitating more meaningful comparative analysis. Hungary exemplifies the second wave of Korean economic engagement, characterized by more diversified investments across multiple sectors including automotive components, elec­tronics, and more recently, electric vehicle batteries. Hungary was chosen over Poland (which shows similar investment patterns) to maintain comparability in national population size. Bulgaria represents an emergent phase of Korean invest­ment, particularly in energy infrastructure. Bulgaria’s selection enables examina­tion of early-stage investment-migration linkages that may presage future devel­op­ments across the region.

This article is organized into several sections. Following this introduction, “The Broader Context of Korean Immigration to Europe” provides historical context for Korean migration to Europe, identifying key periods, drivers, and characteristics. The next section, “Korean Immigration to Eastern Europe: Patterns and Investment Linkages”, examines the broader patterns of Korean migration to Eastern Europe and their relationship to economic engagement. The subsequent three sections analyze Korean investment and immigration to Slo­vakia, Hungary, and Bulgaria, focusing respectively on the first wave of Korean investment centered on automotive manufacturing, the second wave char­acterized by diversified industrial engagement, and emerging patterns related to energy infrastructure. The conclusion synthesizes findings, discusses theoretical implications, and suggests directions for future research.

Through comparative analysis, this research seeks to elucidate the ways in which corporate investment strategies shape migration trajectories, community formation processes, and integration experiences within these distinct national contexts. By focusing on Eastern European destinations, this study contributes to a more comprehensive understanding of Korean transnational mobility within Europe while illuminating the specific socioeconomic factors that differentiate these migration streams from those directed toward Western European nations. Moreover, by examining the investment-migration nexus in these countries, the research offers valuable insights into the evolving nature of corporate-driven migration and its implications for diasporic community formation in transitional economies. The findings have significance not only for migration studies but also for understanding the broader economic and cultural relations between South Korea and Eastern European nations in an era of intensified globalization.

The Broader Context of Korean Immigration to Europe

The historical development of Korean migration to Europe can be con­cep­tualized through distinct chronological phases, each characterized by specific migration drivers, demographic patterns, and socioeconomic contexts. This sec­tion presents a periodized analysis of Korean migration to Europe, examining how migratory patterns have evolved in response to changing economic, po­litical, and social conditions.

Phase I: Post-War Labor Migration (1960s-1970s): The aftermath of the Korean War (1950-1953) and its concomitant economic hardships catalyzed significant outward migration flows from the Korean peninsula. The severe economic constraints and limited domestic opportunities in post-war South Korea created substantial push factors, compelling many Koreans to seek employment abroad. The incipient phase of Korean migration to Europe was characterized predominantly by labor mobility to West Germany, specifically through for­malized bilateral agreements. The migration cohort consisted primarily of health­care practitioners (nurses) and mineral extraction laborers (miners), who were recruited under specific workforce agreements.

The labor migration of South Korean nationals to the Federal Republic of Germany between the 1960s and 1970s was facilitated through bilateral work­force agreements. The first formal agreement, “Agreement on the Dispatch of Ko­rean Miners to the Federal Republic of Germany”, was signed in 1963. Through processes of socioeconomic integration and residential permanence, these initial labor migrants established the foundational infrastructure for sustained Korean settlement within European territories, subsequently influ­encing transnational networks that facilitated additional migration flows.

Phase II:

Phase II: Policy Liberalization and Migration Expansion (1980s-1990s): The 1980s marked a significant transition in Korean emigration patterns, driven predominantly by policy reforms and economic transformation. This period wit­nessed a substantial increase in the demographic presence of Korean international students and corporate-dispatched personnel throughout Europe. Unlike the pre­vious phase dominated by labor migrants, this cohort demonstrated higher educa­tional attainment and professional specialization, with particular concentration in the United Kingdom, France, and Germany.

In France, Korean immigration has notably evolved from being primarily motivated by educational pursuits to being increasingly driven by economic opportunities. (Kim and Ahn, 2023, p. 3–4). Contemporary demographic analy­ses conducted by the Overseas Koreans Agency (2023) indicate the persistence of these historical settlement patterns, with Germany (49,683), the United King­dom (39,097), and France (27,055) maintaining their positions as the primary European destinations for Korean migrants.

Phase III: Corporate Globalization and Diversified Migration (2000-Present): The early twenty-first century witnessed further diversification of Korean migratory destinations within Europe, driven by three principal factors: (1) the accelerated internationalization of Korean corporate entities such as Samsung, Hyundai, and LG; (2) enhanced governmental support mechanisms for transnational education; and (3) the proliferation of bilateral agreements between South Korea and various European nations. Korean expatriate communities in this period typically demonstrate distinctive sociodemographic characteristics, including elevated educational attainment, transnational orientations, and sig­nificant economic mobility capacity. Within the European context specifically, the Korean diaspora predominantly comprises international students, highly-skilled professionals, corporate transferees, and entrepreneurial actors.

This period has been characterized by significant geographical diversifica­tion of Korean migration patterns within Europe.

This periodization framework provides essential context for understanding the more specific patterns of Korean migration to Eastern European countries examined in subsequent sections. The evolution from labor migration to cor­porate-led mobility and educational sojourning reflects broader transforma­tions in the Korean economy, international relations, and global positioning. The next section examines how these broader patterns manifest specifically in Eastern European contexts, with particular attention to the investment-migration nexus that characterizes Korean engagement with the region.

Korean Immigration to Eastern Europe: Patterns and Investment Linkages

While Western Europe continues to serve as the primary destination for Korean immigration within the continent, Eastern European countries – par­ticularly those that became EU members in 2004 and 2007 – have increasingly attracted attention. The transition from centrally planned economies to market-oriented systems after the collapse of communism has made the region more accessible to foreign investors, including South Korean enterprises. The estab­lish­ment of Korean production facilities in the automotive and technology sectors has facilitated an influx of Korean expatriates. In this context, large-scale Korean investment in manufacturing and technology has created employment oppor­tunities for Korean professionals, contributing to both short-term assign­ments and long-term settlement. Analyzing the trajectory of foreign direct invest­ment (FDI) into these newly acceded EU states is, therefore, crucial in under­standing the broader patterns of Korean migration in Eastern Europe.

Early Economic Engagement and Diplomatic Relations (1989–1995): The initial phase of Korean migration to Eastern Europe coincided with the geopolitical transformations following the end of the Cold War. Between 1989 and 1995, small groups of South Korean entrepreneurs and traders sought busi­ness opportunities in emerging market economies such as Poland, Hungary, and Czechoslovakia. This period also saw the normalization of diplomatic relations between South Korea and several Eastern European states, leading to the estab­lishment of Korean embassies and diplomatic missions. These early migrants and diplomatic personnel played a foundational role in shaping the presence of Korean communities in the region.

Corporate Expansion and Industrial Investment (1995–2010): From the mid-1990s to 2010, Korean business operations in Eastern Europe expanded significantly, marked by the entry of major South Korean multinational corpora­tions into the regional market. Companies such as Samsung, LG, and Daewoo began deploying business representatives to key urban centers to oversee corpo­rate activities. As foreign direct investment increased, large-scale manufacturing facilities were established, particularly in the automotive and electronics in­dustries.

The automotive sector became a driving force behind the influx of Korean expatriates. The establishment of Kia Motors in Slovakia and Hyundai in the Czech Republic necessitated the relocation of engineers, managers, and technical specialists to oversee production operations. Similarly, Samsung’s expansion of its electronics manufacturing plants in Hungary, Slovakia and Poland contributed to the growth of Korean expatriate communities. This period also witnessed an increase in family migration, as corporate employees were accompanied by their spouses and children. Consequently, Korean-language schools, cultural centers, and community organizations were established in cities such as Budapest, Bratislava, and Prague, fostering a greater sense of cohesion among the expatriate population.

Community Development and Diversification (2010–2020): Between 2010 and 2020, Korean immigration to Eastern Europe transitioned from an initial phase of industrial-driven migration to a more diversified pattern of settlement. In addition to corporate expatriates, increasing numbers of Korean professionals migrated to the region as component manufacturers integrated into established supply chains. The expansion of service-oriented businesses, in­cluding Korean restaurants, grocery stores, and cultural institutions, provided essential support to the growing expatriate communities in Slovakia, the Czech Republic, Hungary, and Poland.

A notable trend during this period was the rise in educational migration. A growing number of Korean students are enrolled in Eastern European uni­versities, particularly in medical programs in Hungary. This shift reflects the increasing recognition of the region as an attractive destination for higher educa­tion and professional training.

New Strategic Developments (2020-Present): Compared to EU countries in 2004, investment and immigration in Romania and Bulgaria remain relatively limited. However, there is a growing trend toward diversification in these areas. Since 2020, South Korean enterprises have increasingly engaged in strategic de­velopments, particularly within infrastructure, energy, and defence industry sec­tors. A significant example includes Hyundai Engineering & Construction’s 2024 contract for Bulgaria’s Kozloduy new nuclear power plant unit 7 and 8, high­lighting a growing emphasis on energy investments that contribute to new pat­terns of Korean professional migration. Additionally, the expansion of tech­nology research and development centers across Central Europe – espe­cially in Poland, the Czech Republic, and Hungary – has facilitated the move­ment of Ko­rean technology professionals, reflecting a broader trend of invest­ment-driven workforce mobility.

Korean migration to Eastern Europe has evolved in response to shifting geopolitical landscapes and economic transformations. While early migration waves were primarily driven by diplomatic relations and small-scale en­trepreneur­­ship, the expansion of Korean industrial investments facilitated the movement of skilled professionals and their families. More recently, Korean communities in Eastern Europe have diversified, encompassing not only cor­po­rate employees but also independent entrepreneurs, service providers, and stu­dents. Given the well-established correlation between direct investment and mi­gra­­tion flows, continued economic engagement – such as Hyundai’s involve­ment in Bulgaria’s nuclear power sector – suggests that Korean migration to Eastern Europe will persist, further embedding Korean expatriates within the region’s economic and social fabric.

Korean Investment and Immigration to Slovakia

South Korea’s foreign direct investment (FDI) and accompanying migra­tion patterns have evolved in diverse ways over the past decades. Among the most prominent destinations for this movement in Eastern Europe are Slovakia and the Czech Republic. This paper explores how Korean corporate investment – particularly in the automotive industry – has flowed into Slovakia, and how this capital movement has influenced the formation and development of Korean ex­patriate communities. Focusing on corporate-led migration, regional concen­tra­tion, and the evolution of social structures, this study examines the unique char­acteristics and transformations within the Korean community in Slovakia.

The primary wave of South Korean foreign direct investment (FDI) and concomitant expatriate migration to Eastern European territories exhibited a dis­tinct geographical concentration in Slovakia and the Czech Republic. This invest­ment pattern demonstrated significant sectoral specificity, with particular em­phasis on automotive manufacturing infrastructure. The investment-migration nexus in these countries has been characterized by pronounced interdependence between capital flows and subsequent human mobility.

Kia Motors Corporation initiated its European production operations through the establishment of a manufacturing facility in Žilina, Slovakia, repre­senting a capital commitment of approximately €1 billion. [5] This production infrastructure possesses an annual manufacturing capacity of 300,000 vehicular units. [6] This initial investment was subsequently complemented by Hyundai Motor Company’s development of production facilities in Nošovice, Czech Re­public, officially opened in 2019, with capital expenditure surpassing €1 billion and comparable annual production parameters of 300,000 vehicles. [7]

Quantitative analysis of temporal investment patterns, as evidenced in econometric data visualizations, indicates that Korean capital flows to Slovakia and the Czech Republic were temporally concentrated in the early 2000s, re­flecting strategic corporate expansion during this period. The municipality of Žilina, which hosts Kia’s manufacturing operations, has experienced the forma­tion of a demographically discrete Korean community primarily com­prising corporate personnel and their familial units. This emergent community formation exemplifies the direct correlation between industrial investment and subsequent expatriate settlement patterns.

Investment amount from Korea to Slovakia (1993-2024)

Source: Korean Eximbank Statistics [8]

 

Investment amount from Korea to Czech Republic (1993-2024)

Unit: millions dollars

 

Source: Korean Eximbank Statistics [9]

 

Initial Low-Presence Phase (2000-2005): during the early 2000s, the Korean immigrant population in Slovakia remained minimal, with fewer than 100 individuals residing in the country. This period reflects a lack of significant eco­nomic, diplomatic, or educational engagement between South Korea and Slo­vakia. The limited presence of Korean nationals suggests that, at the time, Slo­vakia was not yet a prominent destination for Korean migration, either for busi­ness, education, or employment opportunities. Rapid Acceleration Phase (2005- 2009): a dramatic demographic shift occurred between 2005 and 2009, marked by a substantial increase in the Korean immigrant population from approximately 100 individuals to around 1,500. This remarkable growth – equating to an esti­mated 1,400% increase – suggests the influence of specific economic develop­ments, most likely linked to foreign direct investment (FDI) from South Korean corporations. Stability and Slight Fluctuation Phase (2009-2023): following this period of rapid expansion, the Korean immigrant population in Slovakia reached a phase of relative stability, fluctuating slightly between 1,500 and 1,600 individuals. While minor variations were observed between 2013 and 2021, the overall demographic trend remained steady, suggesting that the primary drivers of Korean migration – whether economic or institutional – had reached equilib­rium. This stabilization indicates that Slovakia had established itself as a viable destination for Korean expatriates, with a sustained, though limited, Korean pres­ence in the country.

Korean immigrants in Slovakia and the Czech Republic (2000-2025)

As of 2023, there are a total of 1,481 Koreans living in Slovakia, including 872 males and 609 females. Among this number, 706 people are permanent residents, 768 are general residents (without permanent residency), and 7 stu­dents. By region, 624 people live in the Žilina region, 489 in the Bratislava region, 172 in the Trencin region, 111 in the Tranava region, 75 in the Nitra region, 4 in the Košice region and 2 in the Banská Bystrica region. [10] Korean immigrants are highly concentrated in the Žilina region, and most of them work in the automotive industry, which is associated with the Kia Motors plant. This geographical concentration is a typical example of corporate-driven immigration. It is a relatively young community that has grown rapidly since the establishment of the Kia Motors plant in 2006, and most of its members came to the country around the same time, so they have a homogeneous character. Korean schools, churches, and shops are concentrated in the Žilina region as well as the capital, and they have a significant impact on the local economy. However, they are relatively dependent on a few companies, including Kia.

The Slovak Korean Association was established relatively late, with its first president elected in early 2013. [11] This contrasts with Korean communities in other Eastern European countries, such as Czech Republic where Korean associations were formed much earlier (in 2000). The characteristics observed in this context demonstrate a significantly delayed timeframe compared to Korean investment and immigration patterns, which can be explained by the factors delineated below. Firstly, corporate-led immigration played a significant role, as the Slovak Korean community primarily consisted of employees from Kia Motors and its affiliated companies. These individuals lived within corporate support structures, and many planned to return to Korea after a set period, re­ducing the perceived need for permanent community organizations. In addition, most expatriates were observed to have viewed their stay in Slovakia as tem­porary and thus did not feel an urgency and necessarily for formal Korean associations. Instead, social needs were largely met through Kia Motors’ internal network, so external community structures seemed less necessary.

However, the establishment of the Korean Association in 2013 was a turning point, showing that the Korean community in Slovakia had evolved from a temporary group of workers to a more stable, long-term population. This transforma­tion occurred approximately seven years after Kia Motors was established in Slovakia in 2006, indicating a growing level of maturity within the community. Furthermore, as the number of long-term Korean residents in­creased, so did the need for a formal organization to support them. The delayed formation of the Slovak Korean Association illustrates how single-company-centered immigration patterns can shape community development. Its founding in 2013 signified an important milestone, marking the transition of the Slovak Korean community into a more stable and structured phase.

Korean investment and immigration to Slovakia have been distinctly corporate-driven, with Kia Motors’ entry into the Slovak market serving as a key catalyst for the emergence of a Korean community in the region. Initially composed of short-term labor migrants, this group gradually evolved into a more stable and structured population through long-term residence and the establish­ment of community institutions. The founding of the Slovak Korean Association in 2013 marked a pivotal turning point in this transition, symbolizing the shift from a temporary, company-dependent workforce to a more self-sustaining and organized diaspora. This case offers valuable insights into the dynamic interplay between economic investment and human mobility, and how corporate-led migration can shape the trajectory of community formation and settlement in host countries.

Korean Investment and Immigration to Hungary

The expansion of South Korean foreign direct investment (FDI) into East­ern Europe has been a defining feature of the region’s recent economic develop­ment. While initial investments were concentrated in Slovakia and the Czech Republic, a notable second wave has targeted Hungary and Poland, particularly in sectors related to secondary automotive components and electric vehicle (EV) battery production. This paper examines the evolving relationship between Ko­rean industrial investment and demographic change in Hungary, analyzing how corporate expansion, educational opportunities, and institutional factors have shaped the formation and growth of the Korean diaspora.

The second wave of investments to Eastern European countries is related to secondary automotive components, such as tires and electric vehicle batteries. The establishment of Hankook Tire’s inaugural European manufacturing facility in Dunaújváros in 2006, representing an approximate investment of €500 million [12], constituted a significant development despite its comparatively modest scale relative to analogous facilities in Slovakia and the Czech Republic. This industrial venture served as a catalyst for the demographic transformation of the Korean expatriate community in Hungary, facilitating an increase from 459 residents in 2003 to approximately 800 by 2007, and subsequently expanding to reach the milestone of 1,000 individuals by 2009. The investment thus not only contributed to Hungary’s industrial capacity but also precipitated the formation of a more substantial Korean diaspora within the country, establishing a foundation for subsequent cultural and economic interactions between the two nations. [13]

Since 2016, the expansions of existing Korean facilities and diversification into new fields have continued, leading to an increase in Korean immigrants. The period spanning from 2018 onward represented the zenith of South Korean foreign direct investment in Hungary, characterized by both substantive expansion of extant industrial facilities and strategic diversification into emergent sectors. This investment trajectory precipitated a concomitant demographic shift manifested in the augmentation of the Korean immigrant population within Hungary. The year 2016 marked a watershed moment with Samsung SDI’s establishment of a battery manufacturing facility in Göd, [14] an enterprise that catalyzed Hungary’s metamorphosis into a preeminent European hub for battery production technology. This initial development was subsequently comple­mented by SK Innovation’s 2017 announcement regarding the prospective con­struction of a battery plant in Komárom. The investment momentum continued unabated in 2018 with the significant expansion of Samsung SDI’s operational capacity, followed by SK Innovation’s commencement of construc­tion on a second battery manufacturing facility in Hungary in 2019. The contemporary era (2020-Present) is characterized by the predominance of electric vehicle battery manufacturing. During 2020-2021, Hungary experienced sig­nificant growth in battery production capacity alongside global EV market expansion. In January 2022, Samsung SDI announced a €1.2 billion investment to expand its Göd facility, while SK Innovation (through SK On) continued expanding operations throughout Hungary that year. In 2023, SK On made a major investment in Iváncsa, establishing one of Europe’s largest battery plants. These investments continued into 2024, positioning Hungary as Europe’s “Battery Valley”.

Investment amount from Korea to Hungary (1998-2024)

Initial Growth Phase (2003-2019): During these 16 years, the Korean immigrant population in Hungary demonstrated consistent but moderate expan­sion, with a mean annual growth rate of 17.4%. This steady incremental pattern suggests stable, predictable migration flows likely driven by established eco­nomic and educational exchanges between the two countries. Acceleration Phase (2019-2023): The most recent quadrennial period exhibits a pronounced demographic shift, with the Korean immigrant population increasing by 265.7%. This remarkable acceleration represents a significant deviation from historical patterns and warrants further investigation into potential causal factors, including policy changes, economic opportunities, or geopolitical developments.

Korean immigrants in Hungary (2000-2023)

The migration trends of Korean nationals to Slovakia and Hungary exhibit both temporal and structural differences. While Slovakia experienced a rapid increase in Korean immigration between 2005 and 2009, Hungary’s most sig­ni­ficant growth occurred roughly a decade later, between 2019 and 2023. This temporal discrepancy suggests differing economic and industrial catalysts in­fluencing migration patterns in the two countries. Whereas Slovakia saw a stabi­liza­tion of its Korean immigrant population following its initial surge, Hungary continues to experience sustained growth, indicating that it has yet to reach its peak.

As of 2023, the Korean immigrant population in Hungary stands at 6,352 individuals, approximately four times the size of Slovakia’s Korean community, which has remained stable at around 1,600 individuals. This substantial dif­ference in population size can be attributed to the broader scope of South Korean investment in Hungary compared to Slovakia. While South Korean businesses in Slovakia are primarily concentrated in the automotive sector, investment in Hungary spans multiple industries, including automobiles, elec­tronics, and bat­tery technology. This diversified economic engagement has likely contributed to Hungary’s sustained influx of Korean expatriates.

Another key distinction between the two countries is the growing presence of Korean students in Hungary. Over the past five to seven years, the number of Korean international students in Hungary has increased significantly, with a notable acceleration after 2019. While traditional fields such as music and the arts continue to attract Korean students, an increasing number are now pursuing studies in medical and dental schools. This trend suggests a diversification of academic interests among Korean students in Hungary, reflecting broader shifts in both educational opportunities and professional aspirations. Between 2011 and 2023, the proportion of students increased from 12% to 18%, with particularly significant growth in Hungary since 2019.

Korean Students in CEE Countries, which joined the EU in 2004 (2011-2023)

Push factors: A fundamental issue contributing to this competitive envi­ron­­ment is the structural limitation of available positions. Korea maintains a relatively restricted number of medical school placements relative to student demand, significantly exacerbating competition. This supply-demand imbalance creates substantial pressure on prospective medical students. The medical pro­fession in Korea carries exceptional sociocultural prestige. Physicians and den­tists occupy elevated positions in the social hierarchy, commanding substantial respect and financial security. This cultural valuation intensifies the desirability of medical careers, further increasing competitive pressure on limited educational opportunities. Korean families often place considerable emphasis on educational and professional achievement. When domestic options prove inaccessible, fami­lies frequently explore international alternatives to fulfill aspirations for medical careers, viewing foreign education as a strategic pathway rather than a compro­mise.

Pull factors: Hungarian medical institutions – notably Semmelweis Uni­ver­sity (Budapest), University of Debrecen, University of Szeged (Albert Szent-Györgyi Medical School), and University of Pécs – have established strong reputations for their English-language medical and dental programs. These universities offer significant advantages that have made them particularly at­tractive to Korean students. Hungarian medical schools confer EU-accredited degrees recognized across multiple jurisdictions, including Korea (following appropriate licensing examinations). Recent data demonstrates the effectiveness of Hungarian medical education for Korean students. This international recogni­tion ensures graduates maintain professional mobility and legitimacy. Among the 269 candidates who passed the 89th Korean Medical Licensing Examination (announced January 22, 2025), 52 individuals (19.3%) were graduates of foreign medical schools. Notably, 39 of these graduates (75% of foreign-educated successful candidates) came from Hungarian medical universities, while only 1-2 candidates each came from medical schools in the United States, Russia, the United Kingdom, and other countries. [15] While Hungarian medical education requires substantial investment, tuition expenses remain comparatively modest relative to equivalent programs in the United States or United Kingdom, creating a significant economic incentive for Korean students. The presence of an estab­lished Korean student community in Hungary provides crucial social infrastruc­ture for new students, facilitating cultural transition, providing informational resources, and offering psychological support. Hungarian university cities like Budapest, Szeged, Debrecen, and Pécs offer environments conducive to inter­national student success, combining safety, cultural richness, and student-ori­ented infrastructure.

As of 2023, the Korean diaspora residing in Hungary numbered 6,352 individuals. Among them, 509 held permanent residency, while 5,020 were general residents without permanent status. Additionally, 816 were students, and 7 held foreign citizenship. Of this population, 3,768 individuals resided in the capital city, Budapest, while 147 were in Debrecen, 143 in Szeged, and 108 in Pécs, with an additional 2,186 people in other regions. Spatial analysis reveals significant urban concentration, with approximately 60% of Korean residents located within the Budapest metropolitan area. This is another reason why, despite Korean investments being spread across various regions of Hungary, immigrants have concentrated mainly in the capital. A distinctive characteristic of the Korean community in Hungary is its occupational diversity. While corpo­rate expatriates from major Korean conglomerates form a significant component of the population, the community demonstrates greater entrepreneurial diversity than comparable populations in neighboring countries. Small and medium-scale entrepreneurs operating independent businesses constitute a higher proportion of the community than observed in Slovakia or the Czech Republic. The Korean community in Hungary demonstrates distinctive household composition charac­teristics, with a significantly higher proportion of family-unit migration com­pared to other Central European destinations. Corporate expatriate assignments in Hungary more frequently involve accompanied family relocation rather than individual placement.

Korean investment in Hungary, particularly in the high-tech and EV battery sectors, has catalyzed not only economic transformation but also significant demographic shifts. From the establishment of Hankook Tire’s plant in 2006 to the rise of “Battery Valley” in the 2020s, Korean corporate presence has grown in scale and complexity. Correspondingly, the Korean immigrant population has expanded rapidly, marked by increasing numbers of professionals, students, and families. Hungary’s diversified industrial landscape, international educational opportunities, and relatively affordable living conditions have made it a uniquely attractive destination within the region. The Hungarian case thus exemplifies the dynamic interplay between capital flows, labor mobility, and community de­velop­ment, offering critical insight into contemporary patterns of transnational migration and diaspora formation.

Korean Investment and Immigration to Bulgaria

Bulgaria represents a distinctive case in the landscape of Korean invest­ment and migration to Eastern Europe. Unlike the investment-driven migration patterns observed in Slovakia and Hungary, Bulgaria has experienced more modest and diversified Korean engagement. This section examines Bulgaria’s unique position as an emerging destination for Korean investment, particularly with recent developments in the energy sector. The analysis contrasts Bulgaria’s steady, incremental growth in Korean population with the dramatic investment-driven surges observed in other Eastern European countries, highlighting different migration drivers and community formation patterns. Of particular interest is the 2024 Kozloduy nuclear power plant project, which signals a potential inflection point in Bulgarian-Korean economic relations and may presage significant changes in migration patterns.

Historically, Bulgaria has secured comparatively modest South Korean investment. A temporary surge in investment occurred between 2010 and 2013 in the solar photovoltaic (PV) sector, driven in part by Bulgaria’s commitments under its European Union accession framework. However, unlike manufacturing investments, these initiatives primarily targeted temporary solar installations rather than fostering industrial expansion, and they did not contribute to a significant increase in Korean immigration. As a result, the number of Korean residents in Bulgaria remains in the hundreds rather than the thousands, in contrast to the larger migration patterns observed in previous waves. Moreover, direct investment levels remain relatively modest, failing to reach the scale of billion-dollar commitments seen in other markets.

Investment amount from Korea to Bulgaria

Unit: millions dollars

Source: Korean Eximbank Statistics see [8] and [9]

Korean immigrants in Bulgaria (2000-2023)

The pattern of Korean migration to Bulgaria presents a unique case study when compared to other CEE countries. While nations like Hungary, Slovakia, and the Czech Republic have experienced substantial Korean immigration tied to industrial investments, Bulgaria exhibits a distinctly different profile. Bulgaria’s Korean community remains significantly smaller in absolute numbers compared to other countries in the region. This disparity in scale suggests fundamentally different migration drivers at work in the Bulgarian context.

A key distinguishing feature of Bulgarian-Korean migration is its con­sistency. The country has experienced steady, incremental growth in its Korean population without the dramatic fluctuations seen elsewhere. This contrasts sharply with Hungary’s post-2019 surge (265.7% increases in just four years) and Slovakia’s rapid 2005-2009 expansion followed by stabilization. Bulgaria’s growth trajectory reflects a more organic, diversified pattern of migration rather than one dominated by large corporate movements. This sustained upward trend suggests ongoing development of bilateral relationships rather than a completed migration cycle tied to specific industrial projects.

As of 2023, a total of 224 Koreans were residing in Bulgaria. Among them, 3 individuals (1.3%) held Bulgarian citizenship, 23 (10.3%) were permanent residents, 186 (83.0%) were general residents without permanent residency permits, and 12 (5.4%) were enrolled as students. The gender distribution shows perfect parity with 112 males (50%) and 112 females (50%). Geographically, 187 individuals (83.5%) reside in the capital city of Sofia, while 16 (7.1%) are located in northern regions (Vidin, Shumen, Varna, Levski, and Pleven), and 21 (9.4%) in southern regions (Gotse Delchev, Haskovo, Kardzhali, Plovdiv, and Veliko Tarnovo). [16] While 83.5% of Korean residents in Bulgaria are concentrated in the capital city of Sofia, it is noteworthy that a certain number of Koreans are dispersed across northern and southern regions. What makes this distribution pattern particularly interesting is that it occurs despite the absence of specific Korean corporate investments in these regions. The geographical dispersion of Korean residents throughout Bulgaria, despite the absence of targeted Korean corporate investments, can be attributed to several factors including migration through personal networks or family connections, marriages or partnerships with local Bulgarians, operation of small-scale private businesses, participation in academic or cultural exchange programs, and religious networks. A distinctive characteristic of the Korean community in Bulgaria is the significant presence of Protestant missionaries, who have own organizational body called the Missionary Council.

Contemporary Korean migration to Bulgaria is primarily driven by mar­riage and education. The rise of global interconnectivity and transnational mobility has contributed to an increase in international marriages, with many Korean-Bulgarian couples choosing to settle in Bulgaria and raising multicultural children. To meet the educational needs of this growing demographic, Sofia University operates a Korean language program designed for multicultural youth and long-term Korean residents. In addition, there has been a recent increase in the number of Korean undergraduate and graduate students pursuing medical degrees in cities such as Varna, Pleven, and others, which is an emerging new phenomenon. This appears to be attributed to the relatively lower tuition fees and living expenses compared to medical schools in other European countries, and the fact that Bulgarian medical degrees are recognized throughout Europe. The Agreement on Cooperation in the Field of Education and Culture between the Governments of the Republic of Bulgaria and the Republic of Korea, signed in 2015, provides solid support for such student exchanges.

A significant paradigm shift in Korean investment trajectories within Bulgaria materialized in 2024 with the designation of Hyundai Engineering & Construction as the exclusive contractor for the expansion of the Kozloduy nuclear power plant (units 7 and 8), which was confirmed on February 16 when it transpired that Hyundai E&C remained the only candidate after reviewed the applicants’ documents to ensure they meet all requirements. The Kozloduy Nu­clear Power Plant expansion project involves the construction of two new AP1000 reactors (Units 7 & 8) with a total capacity of 2,200 MW, located 200 km north of Sofia, Bulgaria. The Bulgarian Nuclear Power Plant Corporation Kozloduy NPP has signed an Engineering Services Contract with a consortium of Hyundai Engineering & Construction and Westinghouse Electric Company. Bulgaria’s planned AP1000 nuclear reactor is expected to begin commercial operations by 2035. Westinghouse has already established partnerships with 22 Bulgarian suppliers through signed Memoranda of Understanding to support this initiative. The two-unit Kozloduy project will create opportunities for Bulgarian companies to participate not only in this domestic project but also potentially in the global supply chain for more than 30 AP1000 units currently in development worldwide. The subsequent engineering agreement between Hyundai Engi­neering & Construction, Westinghouse, and Kozloduy NPP – New Builds repre­sents a substantial reconfiguration of Korean capital flows into the Bul­garian infrastructure sector.

The interview with Capital [17], Hyundai Engineering & Construction Chief Executive Officer articulated recruitment projections of approximately 10,000 personnel for the Kozloduy nuclear facility expansion. While the work­force composition will necessarily prioritize local Bulgarian labor resources, empirical observations of analogous Korean corporate expansions in Eastern European contexts suggest a high probability of concurrent investment escalation from affiliated enterprises and a corresponding augmentation of Korean migra­tory flows. During the construction of the Barakah nuclear power plant Two local builders – Hyundai Engineering & Construction and Samsung Construction & Trade have been constructing the reactors and other facilities, employing more than 17,000 laborers from the Philippines, Bangladesh, Pakistan, India and other developing countries. More than 3,000 Koreans, including 520 from KEPCO, have been sent to the plant’s desert site [18]. This also means the joining of not only Koreans but also other Asian professionals and construction personnel.

Korean investment in Eastern European nuclear energy infrastructure represents a pivotal shift from traditional automotive and electronics manu­facturing toward knowledge-intensive sectors. This strategic diversification leverages Korea’s advanced technological capabilities in critical infrastructure, signaling a maturation of foreign direct investment approaches. The transition will likely create new patterns of Korean migration, bringing specialized engineers and energy sector professionals rather than manufacturing personnel to host countries. These emerging expatriate communities will differ significantly in composition, integration patterns, and institutional needs from the larger manu­facturing-centered Korean populations established in countries like Hun­gary and Slovakia. Nuclear power development projects entail distinct implica­tions for both the magnitude and chronology of Korean investment and subse­quent migration flows.

The war in Ukraine has prompted Eastern European countries to pursue energy diversification, breaking away from their long-standing dependence on Russian energy sources. Among the alternatives considered, nuclear power development has emerged as a strategic solution. This shift has created a critical juncture where the region’s growing demand for reliable and autonomous energy infrastructure aligns with South Korea’s strengths in nuclear technology and its efforts to diversify investment across Eastern Europe. South Korean nuclear firms, especially Korea Hydro & Nuclear Power (KHNP), have made significant inroads into Eastern Europe’s nuclear sector. In the Czech Republic, KHNP won a major contract in 2025 to construct two new nuclear units at the Dukovany site, valued at $17.3 billion, with construction set to begin in 2029 and operations scheduled for 2036. [19] In Poland, energy firm PGE and local electricity producer ZE PAK signed a letter of intent (LOI) with KHNP in Seoul in 2022 to create a construction plan for the Patnow plant using Korea’s APR-1400 reactor technology. [20] Following the LOI, discussions were held regarding the feasibility study, and personnel were dispatched to the local site. However, after the establishment of a new government in Poland in December 2023, it has been reported that the project is now under reconsideration. In Romania, KHNP secured a $225 million project in 2023 to build a tritium removal facility at the Cernavoda Nuclear Power Plant, enhancing the safety and efficiency of Roma­nia’s only nuclear station. [21]

The Bulgarian case illustrates an alternative model of Korean migration to Eastern Europe – one characterized by diverse drivers rather than corporate-led investment. Unlike Slovakia and Hungary, where Korean communities formed rapidly around major industrial projects, Bulgaria has experienced gradual, organic growth of its Korean population driven primarily by religion, marriage, education, and small-scale entrepreneurship. While significant challenges re­main, including the final investment decision and the conclusion of the defini­tive contract, Hyundai Engineering & Construction’s future participation in the Kozloduy nuclear power plant potentially marks a turning point, introducing a more investment-driven migration pattern. This development reflects a broader shift in Korean economic engagement with Eastern Europe toward knowledge-intensive sectors like energy infrastructure. While there are still processes left before construction can begin, such as final investment decisions and final contracts, as these projects mature, they could bring about significant changes in both the size and composition of the Korean community in the region, with an influx of skilled workers rather than manufacturing workers.. Bulgaria thus serves as not only an example of the past diversity of Korean immigration to Eastern Europe, but also a foreshadowing of future patterns of Korean participa­tion in the region’s important infrastructure developments.

Conclusion

This study has examined the evolution of Korean migration to Eastern European countries with particular focus on Hungary, Slovakia, and Bulgaria. The findings reveal distinct migration patterns that are intimately connected to South Korean foreign direct investment trajectories in these nations. The research demonstrates that Korean immigration to Eastern Europe has progressed through several phases, evolving from isolated diplomatic and entrepreneurial ventures following the post-Communist transition to corporate-driven population move­ments centered around major industrial investments, and most recently toward more diversified immigration patterns encompassing students, professionals, and families.

The comparative analysis of Hungary, Slovakia, and Bulgaria illuminates the role of economic engagement as a primary determinant of migration flows.

Based on the findings of this study, I would like to propose several policy recommendations for more effective integration and cooperation between Korean immigrants and Eastern European countries. Strengthening Intergovernmental Cooperation: Bilateral agreements between Korea and Eastern European coun­tries should be expanded to establish more systematic cooperation frameworks in immigration, labor, and education. An integrated policy approach that considers the connection between investment and immigration should be developed to ensure corporate investments lead to human resource development and cultural exchange. Expanding Corporate Roles: Large corporations should strengthen programs for cultural adaptation and social integration of their expatriate employees. Strategies for cooperation with local communities and promotion of mutual cultural understanding should be established from the investment plan­ning stage. Sustainable localization strategies should be built through gradual transition from short-term assignments to nurturing local employees.

These policy recommendations will contribute to strengthening the inter­connection between investment and immigration between Korea and Eastern European countries, supporting successful settlement and integration of immi­grants, and building sustainable cooperative relationships that benefit both sides culturally, socially, and economically. Particularly in emerging cooperation coun­tries like Bulgaria, a more systematic and integrated approach can be applied based on the experiences and lessons from previous cases.

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Online Resourses

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Seungeun Lee is a PhD Candidate at Sofia University St. Kliment Ohridski, Faculty of Philosophy, Department of European Studies.

 

Manuscript was submitted: 29.08.2025.

Double Blind Peer Reviews: from 30.08.2025 till 01.10.2025.

Accepted: 02.10.2025.

Брой 65 на сп. „Реторика и комуникации“ (октомври 2025 г.) се издава с финансовата помощ на Фонд научни изследвания, договор № КП-06-НП6/48 от 04 декември 2024 г.

Issue 65 of the Rhetoric and Communications Journal (October 2025) is published with the financial support of the Scientific Research Fund, Contract No. KP-06-NP6/48 of December 04, 2024.